As the peoples leader Abdullah Ocalan has put it, “the isolation continues”, so too does the important struggle against it. An intensive special war is being waged by the Turkish state, especially on Imrali itself. What can you tell us about this phase, this struggle and this resistance?

An important global campaign aiming for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo¹ was launched last year and continues until today. As a result of this struggle, Omer Ocalan was able to hold a meeting with Rêber Apo on October 23rd. This meeting coincided with Devlet Bahceli calling for “Ocalan to come to the parliament and dissolve his organization.” But still, the meeting was a result of the struggle within the freedom campaign being effective in Turkey, Kurdistan, and the world. However, in that meeting, Rêber Apo pointed out that “ the isolation continues.” He continued and said, “They want to turn this place into hell for me.”

The isolation continues uninterruptedly, but still the discourse that he might be allowed to meet with his family, that he might be allowed to meet with representatives of the DEM Party, is constantly kept on the agenda. There was a call by Devlet Bahceli, who said that there must be a meeting immediately. Actually, they were going to meet with Rêber Apo. And the purpose of the meeting was clear, as they are openly imposing on Rêber Apo to “dissolve his organization.” It was their intention to increase the pressure on Rêber Apo by saying that, after the meeting, he could now make the corresponding call. But in this process, the developments in Syria emerged. When the mercenaries of HTS and other gangs affiliated with the Turkish state attacked Syria, when Aleppo fell and these gangs continued to advance, they postponed the meeting with Rêber Apo. Fearing that Rêber Apo might say something about the situation in Syria, that he might address the Kurdish people and thereby contradict the policy of the Turkish state, they did not allow a meeting to take place. After Bahceli had initially said that there had to be a meeting immediately, it has now been postponed, unclear until when.

The isolation of Rêber Apo continues; it is not lifted by a handful of meetings, let alone a single one. The Turkish regime aims to change the agenda according to its political calculations and to normalize isolation. No one should be fooled by them. There is an intense special and psychological war on Imrali. In this respect, the struggle for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo must be continued.

A sensitivity regarding Rêber Apo was created. A sensitivity regarding his physical freedom and the struggle against the isolation. This confronts the Turkish state with problems, as society has been set in motion. Seeing this sensitivity, the state is resorting to all means to weaken the struggle both in the world and in the Kurdish society. All peoples and democratic forces should be sensitive about this issue. The isolation has not been lifted, the special war on Rêber Apo continues uninterruptedly. That one meeting was not the lifting of the isolation. On the contrary, as Rêber Apo said himself, “the isolation continues.” Also as I mentioned, he said, “They want to turn this place into hell for me.” In this respect, their approach to Imrali lays open in front of us.

They will meet with Rêber Apo and try to pressure him to “dissolve his organization”, while offering nothing in return, not taking a step forward, not moving one bit towards a solution. In such a context, it must be understood that they are trying to use a meeting with Rêber Apo as an imposition, a blackmail, a threat. The public opinion, the Kurdish people, and their international friends in particular must be aware of this. There is an approach to turn a meeting with Rêber Apo into a threat and blackmail. Their intention is not to find a solution to the Kurdish question or to create a basis for discussion. Everyone has to be sensitive about this. The isolation continues. The struggle against this, the struggle for the freedom of Rêber Apo, must continue as well.

If Rêber Apo is to play his role, conditions must be created. He needs to meet with various forces and circles in a free environment and be able to express his thoughts freely. But what is their current approach? Not ensuring the physical freedom of Rêber Apo and not lifting the isolation shows that there is no true intention to solve this question that is at least one hundred years old. There is a lot of special and psychological warfare that they are waging while no solution policy is developed. Awareness of this must be constantly present. The struggle must continue without slackening. Negligence would only serve the special war. Some individuals consciously and deliberately impose this and try to normalize the isolation. The only thing that matters is what Rêber Apo says.

If there are to be meetings, those who attend must be well aware of the Turkish state’s approach. They must ask themselves why the state allows representatives of the DEM party to meet Rêber Apo. The same applies if they allow other circles to meet. Does the meeting really serve a solution, or do they use it as propaganda in their special war? To intensify the special war against the Kurdish people? Such a meeting brings with it a historic responsibility. Accordingly, when they go, they have to be fully aware of the policies and approaches of the Turkish state. They should focus on the questions of what the policy of the Turkish state is, whether it has a solution policy, and what the attitude and approach of those who have a solution policy is.

There are circles that want to create a certain atmosphere by speculating about Rêber Apo, about meetings with him, or between Rêber Apo and the DEM party, as if a solution was being worked on. But one simply has to open his/her eyes, because at the same time they are speaking very openly. Bahceli, Erdogan, and Mehmet Ucun are clearly saying that it’s not about finding a solution to anything. They are talking about ending the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom, “ending the terror.” They are not talking about a solution. They do not recognize the basic rights of the Kurds. Their mentality does not allow this. They do not even discuss this. They say that there is no Kurdish question; it has already been solved. The Kurds are not allowed to organize education in their mother tongue; the self-administration of the Kurds is not accepted, and, generally speaking, neither the language, identity, culture, nor the very existence of the Kurdish people is recognized in the constitution. Bahceli says, ‘Kurds are our dear ones’; however, he is talking about Kurds who have no rights, no education, and, above all, no will of their own. In the past, they never accepted Kurds. They said they were Turks. In truth, that is what they are still convinced of.

In view of this special war, one has to be very vigilant. Some Kurds and some circles have misconceptions. “There may be repression, persecution, and arrests, etc., but the peace process is still running!” There is no such thing. Anyone who, in times when there is such intense repression, when new trustees are constantly being appointed, when there is so much aggression against the Kurds, and when Rojava is being attacked in so many ways, is still saying that all of this “shouldn’t be taken so seriously” is just fooling themselves, trying to fool the Kurds; this is self-deception; it is deceiving the Kurds. This is the rhetoric of the AKP, of the MIT. It is a rhetoric of distraction. Everyone must guard against this, because anyone who thinks like this is not a supporter of the Kurds, not a supporter of the solution to the Kurdish question.

There is a concept, a concept of liquidation. And this is the language and approach of this liquidation concept. They use all forms of repression and oppression but still say that something is moving forward. What is it that they want to achieve? A Turkey without terror. But what does ‘a Turkey without terror’ mean in the Turkish mentality and language? For them, it means a Turkey in which the Kurdish people are not struggling for freedom and are oppressed. One must always be aware of this.

It is as Rêber Apo and our movement have always said, the Kurdish question cannot be solved by war but can only be solved by us through political, democratic ways. This is the most correct approach, and our movement, as well as our leader, continue to take this position.

But the approach of the Turkish state does not accept even the most reasonable approach. It does not accept the existence and will of the Kurd. It does not accept its identity, education in its mother tongue, or self-administration. A Turkey without terror. That does not mean the end of the war. In the current situation, a standstill in the war would not mean the development of a political solution. It must not be seen or understood in this way; instead, a correct approach is needed. They are trying to fool the Kurds by saying that Kurds and Turks are brothers and sisters. One has to be vigilant and not fall for the games, politics and promises of MIT and AKP.

The idea that a solution can come about parallel to all this oppression is dangerous. Every Kurd needs to take a stance against those with this understanding. I want to underline again that this understanding is deliberately created by the deep state, the AKP, and the MIT to deceive. It is the view of trolls.

There is so much pressure on Rêber Apo. And now they’re trying to spread rumors. As if Rêber Apo wanted to say something, but the movement didn’t want to implement it. That Rêber Apo would say something to the DEM party, but it wouldn’t implement it. What Rêber Apo says is clear. He is the leader of this people. He stands for the identity and existence of the Kurds. If he says something, who can oppose it? As if the DEM party or the PKK could oppose it if they wanted to. Therefore, I can only emphasize once again how important it is not to listen to these false rumors.

We have always pointed out that Rêber Apo is our interlocutor. But as chief interlocutor, he also needs to be approached correctly, seriously. Our movement, Rêber Apo, and Kurdish democratic politics are nothing one can play games with. We have a great experience, a century of experience, a great political consciousness, and we are aware of what is going on. We are in a position where we know what Erdogan and Bahceli are thinking, that we know what the deep state is trying to plan.

To be more specific about the Turkish regime’s efforts to undermine democratic politics and the will of the people; what is the goal that the regime is pursuing by appointing trustees? What does the government want from the DEM Party?

The policy of usurping municipalities with trustees continues. They have been continuing the trustee policy for a long time, for three terms now, to be precise. This time it is used as a method of blackmailing. With Devlet Bahceli’s speech, a new concept was determined, but it was actually a concept determined by Erdogan. Now these trustees are being put in place as part of this concept. They tell the DEM party that they should act according to the government, that if they do not do so, they cannot become a party of Turkey. What the members of the DEM say about this is that they are a true party of Turkey. The MHP is not a party of Turkey. The MHP is only a party of Turks but excludes all other peoples and faiths living in Turkey. The same applies to the AKP. If there really is a party of Turkey today, it is the one that has emerged from the tradition of the HDP.

By a party of Turkey, Erdogan and Bahceli mean a party that accepts the policy of the Turkish state. It is about the mentality of “one language, one culture, one flag, one country, and one state.” And when they talk about one state, they are talking about the centralistic state in which there is no room for democracy at the local level. That’s what they mean when they talk about a Turkish party. The Minister of Justice calls such a party a “reasonable party,” meaning that it will not fight against the AKP. There is no democracy in Turkey, and since there is no democracy, Kurds, Alevis, and all the other ethnic and religious communities have no rights. In their eyes, being reasonable, being a good party of the system, means not standing up for one’s own rights and complying.

Now, the trustees are being used as a threat and blackmail – either the DEM will comply, or they will appoint them. They call on the DEM to become a party of Turkey, meaning that it gives up its struggle, gives up its freedom struggle. It should approach the Kurdish struggle for freedom in the same way as the state does. In this respect, of course the trustee policy will continue. Society needs to resist against this. The democratic forces must struggle. Appointing trustees means opposing democracy. Trusteeship means ignoring the will of the people.

The correct approach is the approach of the people of Wan (tr. Van). Also, the people of Dersim (tr. Tunceli) took a very important stand and resisted the appointment of trustees. The people of Dersim clearly showed that they do not accept the trustee. It was the same in Elih (tr. Batman), Merdin (tr. Mardin), and Xelfeti (tr. Halfeti). But the attitude of Wan was outstanding. This needs struggle against the trustees is part of the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom; it is part of the struggle for self-government, for freedom, for local democracy, and it must be continued. Otherwise, it is not just a problem of one district, one municipality, or one mayor. It is much more than that.

The Kurdish people have been struggling for over a century, defending their values. The struggle against the trustee must be handled in the same way. All Kurds, everyone, must take a stance by recognizing that the trustee is an enemy of the Kurds, part of a centuries-old attack, part of the attack to reject and ignore the Kurdish will. One should look at the trustee policy to understand what the concept put forward by Devlet Bahceli is. How is the trustee policy carried out? With which understanding is it carried out? The answers to these questions show what kind of concept is being followed by them.

It is necessary to raise the struggle. It is not about opposing just any anti-democratic, unlawful practice, or about just opposing any violation of human rights. This opposing of the trustees should generally be seen as a struggle for the freedom of the entire Kurdish people. Trustees may have been appointed, but the people should take the responsibility of their municipalities in their own hands and establish their own administration. The people must maintain their own administration. They should not simply surrender to the trustees. Let me state it again: The Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom is embodied in the struggle against the trustees. The trustee attack is an attack on language, identity, culture, and everything. It is to ignore the will of the people. They talk about creating a “reasonable Kurd.” A Kurd who does not stand up for his own language, culture, and the freedom of his own people. Such a Kurd could become mayor; could become a member of parliament.

The struggle against the trusteeship needs to be taken very seriously; it is still insufficient. It had a good start, but it is not enough. It needs to be continuous. It is the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom. The struggle against the trustees must go hand in hand with the struggle for the freedom of Rêber Apo, the struggle to protect Rojava, and the struggle against oppression.

We would like to move on to the war in the region. The war in the mountains in Kurdistan has not lost any of its intensity, what can you tell us about it?

This war has been going on for four years now. There was the attack on Gare on February 9th, and since then, the Turkish army has amassed all its forces and waged a total war against the guerrilla. They said that they would bring the guerrilla to an end within the same spring, then they said within one year, and now it has been already four years. This shows what kind of resistance and struggle the guerrilla is in. The Turkish army got stuck. Sure, they entered some places, but only with the support of the KDP. Without the support of the KDP, they would not have been able to take one step. Maybe they would have tried, but they would have run away. That is what was seen many times before when they tried to enter the Medya Defense Zones².

In fact, without the support of the KDP, they would have suffered the same fate once again. But the KDP is a power that knows the area and provides all kinds of support to the Turkish state. Most recently, with the support of helicopters and drones, it once again brought hundreds of soldiers to southern Kurdistan. Where are these troops positioned? It is positioning them in KDP areas, in Amediye, Dereluk, and Sheladize, with the KDP providing them with all kinds of support.

The Turkish Minister of National Defense was very enthusiastic the other day and said in the parliament that they had “closed the lock.” If such a thing were really true, Erdogan would certainly not have left it to him to announce it. Erdogan would have stood there himself and spent hours making propaganda and explaining how they had “closed the lock.” Erdogan cares a lot about such things.

The resistance, the war continues and will continue. They are currently making statements saying that they were done in the mountains and now were heading towards Rojava, as if to justify the attack on Rojava. That is how they themselves expressed it. Now, of course, war is becoming more widespread in the Middle East, and the war will become more widespread in that area as well. The guerrilla will also widen the war against the Turkish army. As the war becomes more widespread, the Turkish army will bring in new soldiers and try to invade further. It’s not that the guerrilla will just stand still and watch the Turkish army come in and make themselves comfortable. The guerrilla will continue to hit the enemy wherever it is. The guerrillas are not simply resting in southern Kurdistan and the Medya Defense Zones and are content with that. The guerrilla is a sacrificial force with 50 years of experience. It has fought under the most difficult conditions. It is fighting all over northern Kurdistan, from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean; even where the Turkish army is dominant, it is conducting action. This war will deepen and spread even more.

This expansion of the war in the region, known as the Third World War, has reached a new level and brought Syria to the brink of collapse. How do you assess the current situation in the country?

The Third World War is going on. And the center of the Third World War is the Middle East. Especially in the last year, after Hamas attacked Israel and massacred 1200 people and took nearly 200 hostages, the war in the Middle East has become even more widespread.

In the First World War, the Zionist Jews step by step put into action their plan to settle in Palestine. In the course of the Second World War, the State of Israel was established. And now, in the Third World War, a war is being waged to ensure the security of this state of Israel. The war currently being waged in the Middle East is essentially a war for Israel’s security. It is a war to remove all obstacles to Israel’s security. Not just US, NATO and Europe, but all hegemonic powers fully support this world war for Israel’s security. All hegemonic powers support the redesign of the Middle East on the basis of Israel’s security.

Historically, the Jews have always lived in this area. Israel is there. The Jews were driven into exile three times until they finally founded a state. Eventually their existence must be accepted. Neither the approach of those who deny its existence, do not accept it, and say that they will wipe it out, is right, nor the expansion policy of Israel is right. Nothing can be achieved in the Middle East with such approaches and policies. From this point of view, Israel’s existence is going to be recognized, but Israel must give up its policy of expansion. Coexistence can be established based on the model of the democratic nation.

Now, there is the question of how Syria fell. In this regard, Comrade Abbas last said something a month or two ago. Iran is pursuing a wrong policy. Why did Iran drive Hezbollah against Israel? Comrade Abbas said that they should have been prevented from doing so. The Turkish state provoked and tricked Iran. Every day they were saying, “Why doesn’t Iran attack Israel? Why doesn’t Hezbollah attack Israel? Why doesn’t it show solidarity with Gaza? Why doesn’t it do this and that?” Hezbollah attacked Israel under the influence of this. And Europe, the USA, and all the states are behind it. It’s a world war. The bloc waging this World War launched an attack on all forces that threatened Israel’s security. There was a defeat; Hezbollah was crushed. Maybe it survived, but it suffered a massive blow. Syria was kept alive by Hezbollah, Iran, and Russia. These also suffered a massive blow. Israel weakening these forces paved the way for the offensive by HTS. This is clear. They still did not see Syria as a country that would accept Israel’s security. In fact, Syria was slowly trying to adapt; it was trying to rid itself of the anti-Israeli approach. But they wanted Syria to be completely subsumed into their policies. When this could not be done, Hezbollah was weakened, and Iran was weakened. They already hit the essential targets inside Syria, and then Turkey pushed HTS and FSA onto the pre-softened ground. This process of HTS and FSA entering Syria is linked to Israel’s aggression policies in the region. The Turkish state shows itself so anti-Israel; it does this and that; it still says Israel is this and that, but it wants to dominate Syria, which has been weakened by Israeli attacks. So there is a connection and relationship with Israel. Maybe they planned it jointly; we don’t know, but it is certain that they attacked a Syria weakened by Israel and the forces behind Israel.

Just as the Turkish state supported ISIS, it is now supporting HTS and the FSA. All of these are jihadists. There is no such thing as a moderate, democratic approach. They try to present some of them as such, but that is just deception. Ideologically, they are derivatives of ISIS. HTS is also an extension of al-Qaeda. There was the emir of ISIS that was eliminated in Idlib. The fact he was in Idlib shows that he was with HTS. And it is also known that he was in contact with the Turkish state.

This, of course, also affects the Kurds and the balances in the Middle East. Right now, Syria is in a very difficult situation. Will the Syrian state survive? Will it protect itself? It is not clear yet. Syria will be doomed to HTS. HTS is ISIS; they are jihadists. I guess these are not the forces that will ensure Israel’s security. If the Syrian regime is being targeted on the basis of ensuring Israel’s security, if the regime is collapsing, HTS will probably not be able to ensure Israel’s security in its place. If it is a question of ensuring Israel’s security, the ideology and approach of Assad’s regime in Syria may be more favorable. He could have come to an accommodation with Israel or the West. Now it is not clear what will happen.

They have already laid siege to Shahba. According to the information we received, they could have resisted. They had preparations. But because the political balance changed, the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria withdrew on the basis of a certain agreement. I guess the coalition forces were also involved. But they are resisting in Sheikh Maqsoud. The people in Shahba were migrants. They were living in tents there, but the Kurds in Sheikh Maqsoud, the Kurds who have a place, a home, a house, everything there, who have been living as part of Aleppo for many years, have decided to resist until the end. They said that they will resist until their local democracy, existence, and political system will be accepted. They are not going to stand down and accept HTS’s and FSA’s political understanding and understanding of life. We hear that they have taken such a decision.

The attack in Syria will probably change the balance in the Middle East. Turkey will try to take advantage of this, it seems. Indeed, it is the Turkish state that manages and directs both the FSA and HTS. The Turkish state will make bargains through this, but there is also the fact that the Turkish state’s policies, its support for HTS, its support for the FSA, and its support for the jihadists may cause trouble for Turkey once this fact is clearly revealed.

On the one hand, so many steps are being taken in the name of guaranteeing Israel’s security, war is being waged, while on the other hand the Turkish state is doing so much against Israel’s measures and installing anti-Israeli forces in Syria. It is doubtful how long this will last. The Kurdish forces will undoubtedly feel the impact of this. They are facing heavy attacks, but they will resist.

The Turkish state, AKP, and Erdogan are behind the attacks and tragic developments in Syria. Erdogan provoked the Syrian civil war, hoping that the state would collapse as soon as possible so that the Kurds would not benefit. The whole purpose of developing the civil war in Syria to such an extent, the regime’s response, the organization of those gangs, is to prevent the Kurds from gaining anything.

The AKP is behind these attacks. They are saying it openly; one must just turn on one of their TV channels and listen to them. They all discuss what the PYD and what SDF are doing. They are afraid that the influence of PYD and SDF spreads through the area. They say that they are becoming a danger for Turkey. That is how they always analyze it in their press. To destroy the Kurdish gains is the reason for their relations with the FSA and HTS.

They will try to drive both the FSA and HTS against the Autonomous Administration. In this respect, since the essence of the Turkish state’s policies is Kurdish enmity, since the essence of its Syria policy is Kurdish enmity, it can agree with anyone on the basis of Kurdish enmity. In exchange for the destruction of the Kurds, it can compromise with everyone it is hostile to. Turkey today is such a state. It has no concerns about the Syrian people or any specific organization. Its only concern is that the Kurds can not be effective in Rojava, in North and East Syria.

In this respect, the Kurds need to take a position accordingly. The Turkish state will not give up this policy. It will direct these attacks against the Autonomous Administration. The Turkish state will put Rojava on the table in all negotiations about Syria. They may hold an Astana meeting in Doha and many more for this purpose. In all of these, the first agenda of the Turkish state is Rojava. It has made a statement: “We are not in favor of the division of Syria; we defend the unity of Syria, and we will protect its unity.” When they say all of this, they do not mean that the FSA is splitting Syria, doing this or that in Syria. It is all about the Kurds. Kurds gaining rights is considered separatism. Just like in Turkey, recognizing the existence of Kurds is seen as separatism. This is also how they want to make it be seen in Syria. Everyone should be aware of this approach of Turkey and act accordingly.

The Kurdish people in Syria, in Rojava, know from years of experience that the Turkish state wants to eliminate the Autonomous Administration. There is a deep consciousness about this because of the occupation of Afrin, Serekaniye, and Gire Spi. There are constant attacks; the attacks have never stopped, as the massacres have never stopped. There are attacks against Shahba. Northeast Syria, Rojava, is targeted every day. Minbic is being targeted. The Kurdish people are aware of the policies of the Turkish state. They know that they need to be prepared. We think that they have come to the realization that they cannot protect their autonomy and freedom without resisting and fighting against the Turkish state. They cannot protect their self-administration. The way to do this is to resist the Turkish state and its gangs. We assume that, knowing this fact, appropriate preparations have been made throughout the past years. It was always reflected in the press: “We will resist!” was said. They stated that their only goal was to defend North and East Syria against the attacks.

In this respect, even if the preparations are incomplete, there may be shortcomings, but we think that there is an important preparation. We think that the Kurdish people have the will to resist. They have also declared mobilization. In this respect, if they are determined and willful, the Kurdish people have the power to fight. The Kurdish people are not like before; today they have fighters. They have given more than ten thousand martyrs and tens of thousands of wounded in the war against ISIS. There is a community that has grown in the war. They have been living in war for a long time. They are capable of waging this war. We believe in this. The people will definitely fight and resist. We think that the administration and cadres there have this will.

On the other hand, these groups, like HTS and FSA, the Turkish state, have enmity against the system here, enmity against the philosophy of freedom, and enmity against the principles of democracy. Because they see freedom and democracy as their enemies. They know that they cannot live where there is freedom and democracy. Just as the Turkish state fears democracy and freedom and is hostile to them, HTS and FSA are also hostile to them.

In North and East Syria a first bit of freedom and democracy has been tasted. A free and democratic life has begun to emerge. They will fight to protect this with every means they have, to their last breath. We believe this, and in this respect we wish them success in their struggle.

Considering the dangers for Syria as a whole, but also for Rojava and North and East Syria in particular, what is the responsibility of the other parts of Kurdistan and the world public?

Rojava is the smallest part of Kurdistan, smaller in population and geography than the other parts. But this small part has supported the struggle in all other parts of Kurdistan. Rojava has already made a big contribution to the unity of Kurdistan. And there are many people who support the struggle in southern Kurdistan, in northern Kurdistan, as well as eastern Kurdistan. All parts of Kurdistan have given many martyrs. The support for Rojava is a historical responsibility. The other parts must not leave Rojava alone and must support it. Otherwise, the Turkish state or other forces will attack it as the weak link. In the Kobane resistance and later in the war against ISIS, all parts supported Rojava. There was a constant flow from northern Kurdistan to Kobane. Every day in Suruc, there was moral support and people joining the fight. The whole world gave support. Again, with the protests in Kobane from October 6 to 8, they actually finalized the defeat of ISIS. These actions played a huge role in the defeat of ISIS. It created a great motivation in the resistance. Then ISIS went downhill. Hundreds of young people from southern Kurdistan rushed to Kobane, rushed to Rojava, and put up a great resistance. The political forces in southern Kurdistan supported the Rojava resistance. Our people around the world supported it. The same support should also be given in this process. The danger is no less than ISIS, maybe even more dangerous than ISIS. ISIS was exposed in a way. Now the Turkish state is trying to legitimize HTS.

All Kurdish people need to give support to Rojava and the resistance; they need to stand up everywhere. They need to mobilize as they did in the Kobane resistance. There needs to be a great uprising in Europe. All over the world, democratic peoples in different countries need to stand up.

The Turkish State and the gangs of FSA and HTS are planning to attack Rojava; they are calculating this. The revolution and Rojava must be defended. This is very important. This defense is the defense of all of Kurdistan; it is the defense of northern Kurdistan, the defense of southern Kurdistan, as well as the defense of eastern Kurdistan. One should not take a casual approach.

Currently southern Kurdistan remains in the position of an observer, which is not appropriate. We need to openly support Rojava. The Turkish state and its gangs must be dealt with openly. It must be made clear that whoever touches the Autonomous Administration will find all Kurds against them. Because the danger is perhaps greater than ISIS. The war will intensify; it will be a massive war. And it will be met with fierce resistance. Where such a fierce war and resistance are going on, Kurds need to be on their feet day and night. They must never stop; they must not recognize any obstacles. The Kobane resistance of October 6 to 8 is exemplary in this regard. The Suruc resistance is exemplary. Taking these examples into consideration, the sensitivity in all parts of Kurdistan must be raised.

Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair once said, “We pursue a moral policy all over the world. We stand up for our principles. But when it comes to the Middle East, we cannot defend them.” Maybe he did not say it using these exact words, but this was the essence of his statement.

There are states in the Middle East that suppress the Kurds, particularly Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria, and they have relations with international powers. When states take their own interests as a basis, they turn a blind eye to policies on the Kurds. Currently there is a complete genocide in Kurdistan. There is genocide being persecuted in northern Kurdistan, the policy of the state there is a complete genocidal, it’s a cultural genocide. In Rojava, Afrin was occupied, hundreds of thousands of people migrated. Serekaniye and Gire Spi were occupied and hundreds of thousands of people migrated. They live in camps and there are many camps. But there is not enough sensitivity towards this. The sensitivity regarding Gaza was not sufficient either, but at least it existed to a certain extent. The United Nations was constantly making statements, aid and health supplies were being sent to the besieged neighborhoods of Gaza. There was an agenda. Yes, Israel was not listening, it was doing all kinds of things with the world behind it. But there was also international public opinion, even states were criticizing Israel’s policy. Now so many people are being displaced, living in camps, being expelled from their lands. No matter if Gaza or elsewhere, we must oppose expulsion. Everyone should live in their own land. The Afrin residents were displaced from their own land. They had come to Shahba, and they were expelled from there too. We listen to them on TV; “Where will we go?” they say.

Now the people are resisting in Sheikh Maqsoud, it is under siege. According to what is understood and rumored, they are not allowed to deliver supplies. They are leaving nothing; they say they will kill the people there from hunger and thirst. There is such an attack. Of course, the world public opinion and democratic forces must take action against this. It is called human rights. Then there is the general situation in Syria that needs to be faced. In Shahba, women were beheaded, people were killed, raped. Syrian soldiers were beheaded, they did all kinds of things. This is an army of gangs and mercenaries that does not care about any human value, war law. They have now gone to Homs and Hama, but they will also head towards North and East Syria. North and East Syria, will resist. It needs to resist; by risking all kinds of difficulties and losses. Maybe a thousand or five thousand people will die in one day. Freedom and democracy can only be won through struggle, by paying the price. The other is a greater death. In this respect, of course, it is the Kurdish people who must resist; their own forces. It is necessary to rely on this. But international and democratic powers must not remain silent and watch the attacks on Rojava and North and East Syria. A conscience of humanity must stand up here. This people defeated ISIS. They suffered tens of thousands of martyrs and wounded. ISIS was slaughtering people and cutting their throats in Germany, France, Belgium, everywhere. Against such an enemy of humanity, this people sacrificed themselves, resisted and fought on behalf of all humanity. Tomorrow they will resist against these gangs in the name of all humanity. If one has a conscience, they owe a debt to this people. In the face of this situation, everyone must fulfill their conscientious, moral and political responsibility against the attacks on North and East Syria.

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